Shahed UniversityJournal of Political Socology of Islamic World2980-937111220230923Analysis of Taliban Governance Scenarios: Domestic Factors, the Role of International Powers, and the Future of AfghanistanAnalysis of Taliban Governance Scenarios: Domestic Factors, the Role of International Powers, and the Future of Afghanistan128472610.22070/iws.2025.19426.2387FAGhorban AliHaidariPh.D Student, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Mashhad, Iran0009-0009-7931-1189MortezaManshadiAssociate Professor, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Mashhad, IranVahidSinaeeAssociate Professor, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Mashhad, IranJournal Article20230331The fall of the republican regime and the return of the Taliban to power on December 14, 2019, was an unexpected development that exposed the failure of two decades of efforts to establish democracy and modern statehood in Afghanistan. The Taliban, representing extreme traditionalism and imposing severe restrictions on human rights, have created an ambiguous future for the governance of this country. This research seeks to identify the factors influencing the future of Taliban governance in Afghanistan and to predict potential scenarios. Using the scenario analysis method and qualitative research, data were collected and reviewed through the analysis of documents, reports, and interviews. The focus of this article is to analyze the future of Taliban governance, which encompasses the consolidation of power, internal resistance, and the influence of regional and international powers. The research hypothesis posits that internal factors, such as social and economic structures, along with international factors, including the positions of regional and global powers, shape the trajectory of Taliban governance. This path may involve the consolidation of the Taliban government, the rise of domestic resistance, or a shift in the role of international powers. The results of the research can enhance understanding of the challenges facing Afghanistan and enable domestic and foreign policymakers to make more informed decisions .The fall of the republican regime and the return of the Taliban to power on December 14, 2019, was an unexpected development that exposed the failure of two decades of efforts to establish democracy and modern statehood in Afghanistan. The Taliban, representing extreme traditionalism and imposing severe restrictions on human rights, have created an ambiguous future for the governance of this country. This research seeks to identify the factors influencing the future of Taliban governance in Afghanistan and to predict potential scenarios. Using the scenario analysis method and qualitative research, data were collected and reviewed through the analysis of documents, reports, and interviews. The focus of this article is to analyze the future of Taliban governance, which encompasses the consolidation of power, internal resistance, and the influence of regional and international powers. The research hypothesis posits that internal factors, such as social and economic structures, along with international factors, including the positions of regional and global powers, shape the trajectory of Taliban governance. This path may involve the consolidation of the Taliban government, the rise of domestic resistance, or a shift in the role of international powers. The results of the research can enhance understanding of the challenges facing Afghanistan and enable domestic and foreign policymakers to make more informed decisions .https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_4726_f9ff6540c092abd6a77908c034710a04.pdfShahed UniversityJournal of Political Socology of Islamic World2980-937111220230923Imam Khomeini's (RA) Speech Acts on the Palestine IssueImam Khomeini's (RA) Speech Acts on the Palestine Issue2950472810.22070/iws.2024.19007.2365FAMohammadMojahedzadehPh.D Student in Political Sociology, Yasuj University, Iran.0000-0003-0352-3635MojtabaShariatiAssistant Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Yasuj University, Iran.0000-0002-0673-0990AliBagheri DolatabadiFull Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Yasuj University, Iran.0000-0002-4584-5870RezaRezaeiAssistant Professor, Department of English, Yasuj University, IranJournal Article20230414In recent years, the analysis of speeches by political and religious officials worldwide has received great attention and interest. One of the most analytically robust and compelling theories in this field is the speech act theory developed by John Austin and John Searle. In his theory, John Searle categorized speech acts into five types: declarative, persuasive, commitment, expressive, and emotional. This article aims to analyze the speeches and statements of Imam Khomeini (RA) regarding the Palestinian issue through the lens of the speech act theories of J.L. Austin and John Searle. This research is descriptive-analytical in nature and employs a method that aligns the subject with the relevant theory. The statistical population consists of a compilation of speeches by Imam Khomeini (RA) regarding the Palestinian issue, spanning from 1978 (following the victory of the revolution) until his passing on June 14, 1989. These speeches are documented in the book "Sahifeh Imam, which serves as the most comprehensive collection of the written works and statements of the founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The data collection method utilized a library approach, employing a card-taking tool and a total count strategy. The research findings indicated that, out of a total of 419.2 speech acts analyzed in this text, persuasive acts numbered 868, declarative acts totaled 847, and emotional acts reached 595, representing the largest categories. In contrast, commitment acts accounted for 104, while the smallest category was declarative acts, which numbered only 5. The results indicate the speaker's dissatisfaction with the current situation in Palestine and the Islamic world. In other words, Imam Khomeini (RA) has sought to express his discontent to the audience through persuasive, declarative, and emotional statements, aiming to motivate them to change the existing circumstances.
In recent years, the analysis of speeches by political and religious officials worldwide has received great attention and interest. One of the most analytically robust and compelling theories in this field is the speech act theory developed by John Austin and John Searle. In his theory, John Searle categorized speech acts into five types: declarative, persuasive, commitment, expressive, and emotional. This article aims to analyze the speeches and statements of Imam Khomeini (RA) regarding the Palestinian issue through the lens of the speech act theories of J.L. Austin and John Searle. This research is descriptive-analytical in nature and employs a method that aligns the subject with the relevant theory. The statistical population consists of a compilation of speeches by Imam Khomeini (RA) regarding the Palestinian issue, spanning from 1978 (following the victory of the revolution) until his passing on June 14, 1989. These speeches are documented in the book "Sahifeh Imam, which serves as the most comprehensive collection of the written works and statements of the founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The data collection method utilized a library approach, employing a card-taking tool and a total count strategy. The research findings indicated that, out of a total of 419.2 speech acts analyzed in this text, persuasive acts numbered 868, declarative acts totaled 847, and emotional acts reached 595, representing the largest categories. In contrast, commitment acts accounted for 104, while the smallest category was declarative acts, which numbered only 5. The results indicate the speaker's dissatisfaction with the current situation in Palestine and the Islamic world. In other words, Imam Khomeini (RA) has sought to express his discontent to the audience through persuasive, declarative, and emotional statements, aiming to motivate them to change the existing circumstances.
https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_4728_71f07bf95f0113eefab12552181dd832.pdfShahed UniversityJournal of Political Socology of Islamic World2980-937111220230923Analysis of the Structure and Strategy of the Actors of the Unity Issue in the Islamic WorldAnalysis of the Structure and Strategy of the Actors of the Unity Issue in the Islamic World5186472410.22070/iws.2025.19722.2395FAMehdiDelbandPh.D Student in Political Studies of the Islamic Revolution, Future Studies Major, Shahed UniversityZahedGhafari HashjinProfessor of Political Science, Shahed University.AyubNikunahadAssistant Professor, Khatam al-Anbiya (PBUH) Air Defense University, Tehran, IranJournal Article20230520The issue of unity has been a strategic concern for the Islamic world over the past few decades. This issue is influenced by various causes and factors, with stakeholders holding differing opinions on goals and strategies. This research aims to address the following question: Who are the key actors promoting unity in the Islamic world? What strategies do these actors employ? What are the unifying factors within the Islamic world? What strategies are available to the actors that influence unity in the Islamic world? To address the questions posed above, we utilized the method of analyzing the structure and strategies of actors, along with the MECTOR software tool. This means that, initially, a targeted environmental survey of texts and sources was conducted, utilizing the perspectives of influential figures. This process identified the key actors impacting the unity of the Islamic world (15 actors) and the strategies associated with their objectives (13 strategies) for achieving that unity. Subsequently, an expert questionnaire measured the extent of the actors' influence on one another and their positions regarding the established goals. Their views were then analyzed. The research findings indicate that the involvement of regional and international actors, along with the conflicting interests of each influential party regarding convergence and unity in the Islamic world, has complicated the pursuit of unity, rendering it increasingly elusive. The most effective strategies the Islamic world can adopt to achieve unity are institution-building and establishing an Islamic common market. By aligning economic interests with these institutional developments, the Islamic world can advance to a new stage of unity.<br /> <br /> The issue of unity has been a strategic concern for the Islamic world over the past few decades. This issue is influenced by various causes and factors, with stakeholders holding differing opinions on goals and strategies. This research aims to address the following question: Who are the key actors promoting unity in the Islamic world? What strategies do these actors employ? What are the unifying factors within the Islamic world? What strategies are available to the actors that influence unity in the Islamic world? To address the questions posed above, we utilized the method of analyzing the structure and strategies of actors, along with the MECTOR software tool. This means that, initially, a targeted environmental survey of texts and sources was conducted, utilizing the perspectives of influential figures. This process identified the key actors impacting the unity of the Islamic world (15 actors) and the strategies associated with their objectives (13 strategies) for achieving that unity. Subsequently, an expert questionnaire measured the extent of the actors' influence on one another and their positions regarding the established goals. Their views were then analyzed. The research findings indicate that the involvement of regional and international actors, along with the conflicting interests of each influential party regarding convergence and unity in the Islamic world, has complicated the pursuit of unity, rendering it increasingly elusive. The most effective strategies the Islamic world can adopt to achieve unity are institution-building and establishing an Islamic common market. By aligning economic interests with these institutional developments, the Islamic world can advance to a new stage of unity.<br /> <br /> https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_4724_dd03de08bfdff4d8ab01117276564cc7.pdfShahed UniversityJournal of Political Socology of Islamic World2980-937111220230923Presenting a Model based on the Theory of Participation to Achieve Political Development Indicators After the Islamic Revolution of IranPresenting a Model based on the Theory of Participation to Achieve Political Development Indicators After the Islamic Revolution of Iran87110473010.22070/iws.2025.18556.2339FAKarimMohammadiPh.D student of Political Sociology, Islamic Azad University, Central Tehran branchMajidRadfar*. Associate Professor of Sociology Department, Islamic Azad University, Roudhen branch , Iran.ZahraHazrati SoumeaAssociate Professor of Sociology Department, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article20230411The aim of this study is to identify effective indicators of political development in Iran following the Islamic Revolution, grounded in the theory of participation. In this study, it was essential to consider the context and background of the research while exploring the phenomenon from various dimensions by extracting the tacit knowledge of experts. Therefore, a qualitative method was employed, which is a flexible approach that yields spontaneous findings. Among the various qualitative research strategies, the grounded theory strategy was utilized. The research population consisted of 15 experts in the fields of politics and economics. The sample size in the present study is determined using the principle of theoretical saturation, and participants are selected through purposive sampling. The methods of collecting research information are divided into two categories: library research and field research, which includes the interview method. Library methods are employed to gather information pertaining to the subject literature, research background, and field methods, which involve collecting data through interviews with research experts. The research findings indicated that after examining the open codes and categorizing them, the researcher organized the data into 30 categories using the Strauss and Corbin paradigm. Through conducting interviews and analyzing the data, the researcher gained a deeper understanding of the issues presented. Based on the findings from the qualitative section, it was determined that the causal indicators related to political development in Iran after the Islamic Revolution, according to the theory of participation, include the quality of citizens' working life, freedom of expression, accountability and responsibility, societal culture, and foundational legal documents. Additionally, the contextual indicators associated with political development in Iran post-Islamic Revolution, as per the theory of participation, encompass education and skill development, team building, socio-cultural needs, legal requirements, and information technology infrastructure.<br /> The aim of this study is to identify effective indicators of political development in Iran following the Islamic Revolution, grounded in the theory of participation. In this study, it was essential to consider the context and background of the research while exploring the phenomenon from various dimensions by extracting the tacit knowledge of experts. Therefore, a qualitative method was employed, which is a flexible approach that yields spontaneous findings. Among the various qualitative research strategies, the grounded theory strategy was utilized. The research population consisted of 15 experts in the fields of politics and economics. The sample size in the present study is determined using the principle of theoretical saturation, and participants are selected through purposive sampling. The methods of collecting research information are divided into two categories: library research and field research, which includes the interview method. Library methods are employed to gather information pertaining to the subject literature, research background, and field methods, which involve collecting data through interviews with research experts. The research findings indicated that after examining the open codes and categorizing them, the researcher organized the data into 30 categories using the Strauss and Corbin paradigm. Through conducting interviews and analyzing the data, the researcher gained a deeper understanding of the issues presented. Based on the findings from the qualitative section, it was determined that the causal indicators related to political development in Iran after the Islamic Revolution, according to the theory of participation, include the quality of citizens' working life, freedom of expression, accountability and responsibility, societal culture, and foundational legal documents. Additionally, the contextual indicators associated with political development in Iran post-Islamic Revolution, as per the theory of participation, encompass education and skill development, team building, socio-cultural needs, legal requirements, and information technology infrastructure.<br /> https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_4730_13d7dc096493e1f77fb4ccf3eaf79df1.pdfShahed UniversityJournal of Political Socology of Islamic World2980-937111220230923Foundations and Factors Contributing to the Permanence of the Islamic Republic of IranFoundations and Factors Contributing to the Permanence of the Islamic Republic of Iran111134475510.22070/iws.2025.19963.2406FAMostafaGhorbaniAssistant Professor of Political Science, Shahid Mahallati University of Islamic Sciences, Qom, Iran0000-0002-0503-2496Journal Article20230601Foreign pressures, along with inefficiencies, have been significant factors in the country's political landscape for over a decade, impacting various aspects of Iranians' political and social lives. However, despite these challenges, the ruling political system has managed to sustain itself. Therefore, the primary question of this study is: How has the Islamic Republic been able to maintain its stability and longevity in the face of external pressures and internal inefficiencies? It is assumed that the Islamic Republic of Iran, in addition to its success in institution-building, possesses sufficient reserves of support that it has been able to rely on, despite external pressures and inefficiencies, to maintain its longevity. Utilizing Huntington's systemic theory and institutional approach as a theoretical framework, the findings indicate that the Islamic Republic has managed to endure despite external challenges and operational weaknesses. This resilience can be attributed to the quality of the establishment of the Islamic Republic, which has addressed the gaps between religion and state as well as the concept of the nation-state. Furthermore, its governance strategies—such as the continuation of popular political mobilization following the revolution, reliance on domestic support, and the establishment of revolutionary institutions—along with its relative efficiency in key areas, have enabled it to accumulate the necessary reserves of support. On the other hand, due to its extensive experience in successfully adapting to crises, its strong functional adaptability, structural diversity, independence from social groups, and cohesion—particularly during challenging times—it possesses a relatively high level of institutional strength that ensures its continuity and survival.
Foreign pressures, along with inefficiencies, have been significant factors in the country's political landscape for over a decade, impacting various aspects of Iranians' political and social lives. However, despite these challenges, the ruling political system has managed to sustain itself. Therefore, the primary question of this study is: How has the Islamic Republic been able to maintain its stability and longevity in the face of external pressures and internal inefficiencies? It is assumed that the Islamic Republic of Iran, in addition to its success in institution-building, possesses sufficient reserves of support that it has been able to rely on, despite external pressures and inefficiencies, to maintain its longevity. Utilizing Huntington's systemic theory and institutional approach as a theoretical framework, the findings indicate that the Islamic Republic has managed to endure despite external challenges and operational weaknesses. This resilience can be attributed to the quality of the establishment of the Islamic Republic, which has addressed the gaps between religion and state as well as the concept of the nation-state. Furthermore, its governance strategies—such as the continuation of popular political mobilization following the revolution, reliance on domestic support, and the establishment of revolutionary institutions—along with its relative efficiency in key areas, have enabled it to accumulate the necessary reserves of support. On the other hand, due to its extensive experience in successfully adapting to crises, its strong functional adaptability, structural diversity, independence from social groups, and cohesion—particularly during challenging times—it possesses a relatively high level of institutional strength that ensures its continuity and survival.
https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_4755_a7c628dced6a691f1fd31aebc647a0a8.pdfShahed UniversityJournal of Political Socology of Islamic World2980-937111220230923Comparative Analysis of Women's Political Rights in Islamic Civilization and International DocumentsComparative Analysis of Women's Political Rights in Islamic Civilization and International Documents135160472710.22070/iws.2025.19336.2384FAKhalidHame Nouri Darwish AliPh.D Student, Department of Law, Research Sciences Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.HanehFarkishAssistant Professor, Department of Law, Sanandaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Sanandaj, Iran.ArkanSharifiAssistant Professor, Department of Law, Sanandaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Sanandaj, Iran.Journal Article20230609Islamic civilization adopts a universal approach to women's rights and has consistently recognized the importance of women throughout history. From a time when women were denied even the most basic rights to the present day, when numerous international documents have been established to promote and protect women's rights, this commitment remains evident. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to conduct a comparative analysis of women's political rights within Islamic civilization and international documents. It seeks to answer the question of whether women's political rights have been disrespected in Islam when compared to international standards. The research method employed in this study is qualitative and documentary. The researcher examines and analyzes credible research documents, including verses from the Holy Quran, narrations, and hadiths. Based on these sources, along with relevant interpretations, the study presents its findings and interpretations. The results indicate that Islamic civilization, recognized as one of the oldest and most reliable frameworks, has consistently maintained a positive perspective on the realization of women's rights across various domains, particularly in the political arena. A comparative study of women’s political rights in Islamic law and international documents reveals that both serve as sources of these rights; however, there are notable differences in their specifics and implementation. Islam grants women the right to engage in political decision-making as well as to participate in local and national elections. The verses of the Quran and the narrations of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) affirm that Muslim women have both the right and the duty to engage in societal and communal affairs. Additionally, women's political rights are recognized in various international documents. The United Nations Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights affirm that women's political rights are fundamental human rights. These documents guarantee women the right to vote, the right to participate in elections, and the right to engage in political decision-making processes.<br /> Islamic civilization adopts a universal approach to women's rights and has consistently recognized the importance of women throughout history. From a time when women were denied even the most basic rights to the present day, when numerous international documents have been established to promote and protect women's rights, this commitment remains evident. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to conduct a comparative analysis of women's political rights within Islamic civilization and international documents. It seeks to answer the question of whether women's political rights have been disrespected in Islam when compared to international standards. The research method employed in this study is qualitative and documentary. The researcher examines and analyzes credible research documents, including verses from the Holy Quran, narrations, and hadiths. Based on these sources, along with relevant interpretations, the study presents its findings and interpretations. The results indicate that Islamic civilization, recognized as one of the oldest and most reliable frameworks, has consistently maintained a positive perspective on the realization of women's rights across various domains, particularly in the political arena. A comparative study of women’s political rights in Islamic law and international documents reveals that both serve as sources of these rights; however, there are notable differences in their specifics and implementation. Islam grants women the right to engage in political decision-making as well as to participate in local and national elections. The verses of the Quran and the narrations of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) affirm that Muslim women have both the right and the duty to engage in societal and communal affairs. Additionally, women's political rights are recognized in various international documents. The United Nations Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights affirm that women's political rights are fundamental human rights. These documents guarantee women the right to vote, the right to participate in elections, and the right to engage in political decision-making processes.<br /> https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_4727_6fb52e71b837628ac16539c1ff911667.pdfShahed UniversityJournal of Political Socology of Islamic World2980-937111220230923Comparing the views of Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi and Ayatollah Taleghani regarding the Islamic Revolution of IranComparing the views of Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi and Ayatollah Taleghani regarding the Islamic Revolution of Iran161198474610.22070/iws.2024.17638.2298FASeyyed MehdiHoseiniPh.D student of Islamic Revolution Political Studies, Shahid University, Tehran, Iran0009-0004-7194-5113AbbasKeshavarz ShokriProfessor of Political Science, Shahid University, Tehran, Iran0000-0002-7686-6578AkramKhalifePh.D student of Political Studies of the Islamic Revolution, Shahid University, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article20230418First, in this article, the writings of Ayatollah Taleghani and Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi were studied, and then, in order to compare their views, we made a table, which includes columns of the common and different points of the opinions of these two scientists. And by using the method of qualitative analysis - thematic analysis - to these questions: (What are the views and definitions of Taleghani and Mesbah-Yazdi regarding the concepts of "Revolution" and "Islamic Revolution of Iran"? And what are the theoretical differences? Answer gave we have given.<br />Then we concluded that they agree on the definition of revolution in the foundations of Islamic ontology and epistemology. But Mr. Taleghani's approach has one-factor, negative, political characteristics and the propositions "relationship between the tyrant and the oppressed" and "the role of the masses and the council in the government" are visible in his definition of "revolution" and the concept of "democracy" in the proposition "religious democracy" It is of great importance to him.<br />However, Mr. Mesbah-Yazdi's approach has positive, cultural, and multifactorial characteristics, and the concepts of "the role of the leader, people, elites, agents, and social institutions" are evident in his definition of "revolution". Also, the concept of "Islamism" in the proposition of "religious democracy" is more important for him.First, in this article, the writings of Ayatollah Taleghani and Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi were studied, and then, in order to compare their views, we made a table, which includes columns of the common and different points of the opinions of these two scientists. And by using the method of qualitative analysis - thematic analysis - to these questions: (What are the views and definitions of Taleghani and Mesbah-Yazdi regarding the concepts of "Revolution" and "Islamic Revolution of Iran"? And what are the theoretical differences? Answer gave we have given.<br />Then we concluded that they agree on the definition of revolution in the foundations of Islamic ontology and epistemology. But Mr. Taleghani's approach has one-factor, negative, political characteristics and the propositions "relationship between the tyrant and the oppressed" and "the role of the masses and the council in the government" are visible in his definition of "revolution" and the concept of "democracy" in the proposition "religious democracy" It is of great importance to him.<br />However, Mr. Mesbah-Yazdi's approach has positive, cultural, and multifactorial characteristics, and the concepts of "the role of the leader, people, elites, agents, and social institutions" are evident in his definition of "revolution". Also, the concept of "Islamism" in the proposition of "religious democracy" is more important for him.https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_4746_de905148259ea27fa49e2303ef2e0017.pdfShahed UniversityJournal of Political Socology of Islamic World2980-937111220230923Sociological Analysis of the Approach of Cinematic Intellectuals to the Islamic Revolution of Iran in the Years 1963 to 1978 Based on the Theory of ReflectionSociological Analysis of the Approach of Cinematic Intellectuals to the Islamic Revolution of Iran in the Years 1963 to 1978 Based on the Theory of Reflection199218472910.22070/iws.2025.18990.2362FAAkbarAshrafiAssociate Professor, Department of Political Science, Tehran Central Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran0000-0002-9645-2030SajjadMahmoudiPh.D student in Political Science, Tehran Central Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.0009-0003-1827-3832Journal Article20230403One of the defining characteristics of artistic products is their ability to reflect the realities of society. Due to their presence in society, artists unconsciously reflect their surrounding environment in their works of art. This issue has a more serious aspect concerning intellectuals who create works of art. Because they are self-aware and aim to enlighten others by expanding their thoughts and perspectives, they produce works that serve as a clear reflection of the political, cultural, and social conditions of their society at that time. This issue also requires examination and analysis concerning the artistic intellectuals of the second Pahlavi era, particularly the filmmakers of that time. The filmmakers of this era have distinct connections to the people and society of their time and are also influenced by revolutionary movements. The Islamic Revolution emerged in response to the prevailing conditions under the Pahlavi dynasty. The aim of this research is to analyze the political and social trends associated with intellectual cinema during the last two decades of the Pahlavi dynasty and to explore the potential interactions between the two. This study considers issues such as the possible impact of cinematic approaches, personalities, and themes on the articulation of the discourse surrounding the Islamic Revolution and the political forces at play. This article aims to address the question of how cinematic intellectuals responded to the Islamic Revolution of Iran between 1963 and 1978. The findings of this research can be summarized as follows: the cinematic works produced by the intellectual movement during this period were able to foster a parallel process of civil struggle that aligned with the Islamic Revolution. Initially, the convergence with the elements and discourse of the Islamic Revolution resulted in both harmonious and contradictory effects.
One of the defining characteristics of artistic products is their ability to reflect the realities of society. Due to their presence in society, artists unconsciously reflect their surrounding environment in their works of art. This issue has a more serious aspect concerning intellectuals who create works of art. Because they are self-aware and aim to enlighten others by expanding their thoughts and perspectives, they produce works that serve as a clear reflection of the political, cultural, and social conditions of their society at that time. This issue also requires examination and analysis concerning the artistic intellectuals of the second Pahlavi era, particularly the filmmakers of that time. The filmmakers of this era have distinct connections to the people and society of their time and are also influenced by revolutionary movements. The Islamic Revolution emerged in response to the prevailing conditions under the Pahlavi dynasty. The aim of this research is to analyze the political and social trends associated with intellectual cinema during the last two decades of the Pahlavi dynasty and to explore the potential interactions between the two. This study considers issues such as the possible impact of cinematic approaches, personalities, and themes on the articulation of the discourse surrounding the Islamic Revolution and the political forces at play. This article aims to address the question of how cinematic intellectuals responded to the Islamic Revolution of Iran between 1963 and 1978. The findings of this research can be summarized as follows: the cinematic works produced by the intellectual movement during this period were able to foster a parallel process of civil struggle that aligned with the Islamic Revolution. Initially, the convergence with the elements and discourse of the Islamic Revolution resulted in both harmonious and contradictory effects.
https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_4729_a425170bf40e8d6ee473b271d96dae18.pdfShahed UniversityJournal of Political Socology of Islamic World2980-937111220230923Women's Political Empowerment in the Fifth and Sixth Development Plans in IranWomen's Political Empowerment in the Fifth and Sixth Development Plans in Iran219244472310.22070/iws.2025.19875.2400FASaeedehShakoorzadeh ArdabiliPh.D student, Department of Political Science, Mashhad branch, Islamic Azad University, Mashhad, Iran0009-0007-1668-897xAliasgharDavoodiAssistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Mashhad branch, Islamic Azad University, Mashhad, IranMahnazAmirpoorAssistant Professor, Department of Social Sciences, Quchan branch, Islamic Azad University, Quchan, IranJournal Article20230507Given the growing role of women in the development of nations, various global institutions, including the World Economic Forum, now monitor gender issues and assess and rank countries accordingly. The World Economic Forum has published its annual reports since 2006, utilizing four key indicators: economic opportunity and participation, educational achievement, health and survival, and political empowerment. Notably, Iran has consistently ranked lower than other countries in the political empowerment index, often placing at the bottom of the Forum's ranking table. This study aims to examine the perspectives of two different development plan on women's political empowerment in Iran. Since the Fifth Development Plan was formulated and implemented during Ahmadinejad’s administration, and the Sixth Plan was established under Rouhani’s administration, a pertinent question arises: What perspectives did the Fifth and Sixth Development Plans adopt regarding the gender gap in the women’s political empowerment index? It appears that the Moderate government, along with the Sixth Development Plan, placed greater emphasis on women's participation in the country's development, leading to an increase in women's political empowerment. The present study initially analyzed the text of the Fifth and Sixth Development Plans law using content analysis. By extracting fundamental, organizational, and comprehensive themes, it assessed the level of attention given by both conservative and moderate governments to the aforementioned index. It then analyzes the actions of both conservative and reformist governments regarding women's political empowerment. Additionally, it evaluates Iran's score and ranking in the World Economic Forum and compares the gender gap in this indicator across the fifth and sixth development plans.<br /> <br /> Given the growing role of women in the development of nations, various global institutions, including the World Economic Forum, now monitor gender issues and assess and rank countries accordingly. The World Economic Forum has published its annual reports since 2006, utilizing four key indicators: economic opportunity and participation, educational achievement, health and survival, and political empowerment. Notably, Iran has consistently ranked lower than other countries in the political empowerment index, often placing at the bottom of the Forum's ranking table. This study aims to examine the perspectives of two different development plan on women's political empowerment in Iran. Since the Fifth Development Plan was formulated and implemented during Ahmadinejad’s administration, and the Sixth Plan was established under Rouhani’s administration, a pertinent question arises: What perspectives did the Fifth and Sixth Development Plans adopt regarding the gender gap in the women’s political empowerment index? It appears that the Moderate government, along with the Sixth Development Plan, placed greater emphasis on women's participation in the country's development, leading to an increase in women's political empowerment. The present study initially analyzed the text of the Fifth and Sixth Development Plans law using content analysis. By extracting fundamental, organizational, and comprehensive themes, it assessed the level of attention given by both conservative and moderate governments to the aforementioned index. It then analyzes the actions of both conservative and reformist governments regarding women's political empowerment. Additionally, it evaluates Iran's score and ranking in the World Economic Forum and compares the gender gap in this indicator across the fifth and sixth development plans.<br /> <br /> https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_4723_53420bd6e6798761679772a7dd012674.pdfShahed UniversityJournal of Political Socology of Islamic World2980-937111220230923Explaining the Relationship Between Political Trust and Political Legitimacy with an Emphasis on the Mediating Role of Political Participation
(Case Study of 15-29-Year-Old Youths in Mashhad)Explaining the Relationship Between Political Trust and Political Legitimacy with an Emphasis on the Mediating Role of Political Participation
(Case Study of 15-29-Year-Old Youths in Mashhad)245280475610.22070/iws.2025.19187.2374FADaniyalKamali DeljooStudent, Department of Political Science, Zahedan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Zahedan, IranHassanShamsini GhiasvandAssistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Takestan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Qazvin, Iran.AsadollahAthari MeryanAssistant Professor, Islamic Azad University, Takestan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Qazvin, IranJournal Article20230502Legitimacy is a quality that transforms pure power into legal authority, ensuring compliance not out of fear, but out of a sense of duty. Therefore, political legitimacy is considered the result of citizens' satisfaction, participation, and trust in the political system. The aim of this study is to examine and explain the relationship between political trust and political legitimacy, with a particular emphasis on the mediating role of political participation. For this study, a sample of 388 youths was selected from the city of Mashhad using multi-stage cluster sampling. To ensure the validity and reliability of the research, we employed confirmatory factor analysis, convergent validity, divergent validity, composite reliability, and Cronbach's alpha. The findings indicate a significant positive relationship between political trust and political legitimacy, mediated by political participation. In other words, the results indicate that high levels of political trust contribute to political legitimacy and its promotion among the youth in Mashhad. Additionally, the research findings highlight the significant role of mediators in political participation as a fundamental basis for enhancing political legitimacy from the perspective of the general public, particularly among the youth.
Legitimacy is a quality that transforms pure power into legal authority, ensuring compliance not out of fear, but out of a sense of duty. Therefore, political legitimacy is considered the result of citizens' satisfaction, participation, and trust in the political system. The aim of this study is to examine and explain the relationship between political trust and political legitimacy, with a particular emphasis on the mediating role of political participation. For this study, a sample of 388 youths was selected from the city of Mashhad using multi-stage cluster sampling. To ensure the validity and reliability of the research, we employed confirmatory factor analysis, convergent validity, divergent validity, composite reliability, and Cronbach's alpha. The findings indicate a significant positive relationship between political trust and political legitimacy, mediated by political participation. In other words, the results indicate that high levels of political trust contribute to political legitimacy and its promotion among the youth in Mashhad. Additionally, the research findings highlight the significant role of mediators in political participation as a fundamental basis for enhancing political legitimacy from the perspective of the general public, particularly among the youth.
https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_4756_c678aec6e828c899b32a099c14ee882c.pdfShahed UniversityJournal of Political Socology of Islamic World2980-937111220230923The Evolution of the Islamist Movement in Turkey: From Radicalism to Pragmatism (1923-2002)The Evolution of the Islamist Movement in Turkey: From Radicalism to Pragmatism (1923-2002)281308474710.22070/iws.2025.20076.2414FAHosseinEmamverdiPh.D Student in International Relations, University of Tehran, IranFardinGhoraishiProfessor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Tehran, IranJournal Article20250127The Islamist movement in Turkey has undergone significant and intricate developments from the establishment of the Republic until 2002. This article analyzes the evolution of the Islamist movement, focusing on the concepts of "radicalism" and "pragmatism". The main question of this research is: What are the political and international factors influencing the development of the Islamist movement in Turkey, and how have these factors contributed to the transformation of its discourse from radicalism to pragmatism? Using the method of historical analysis and drawing on both written and online sources, this article shows that the Islamist movement in Turkey initially emerged as a radical reaction to secularism and Western modernity, with the goal of offering an alternative to Western modernity. However, domestic political developments and changes in the international arena have led to significant transformations within this movement. Particularly after the 1990s, with the rise of the Justice and Development Party, the Islamist movement shifted towards pragmatism and sought integration with the Turkish political system, blending modernity with Islamic principles. This change of direction, in addition to impacting Turkey's domestic politics, also transformed the country's relationships with global powers. The research findings indicate that the developments within the Islamist movement in Turkey result from a complex interplay of domestic and international factors, which have facilitated the transition from radicalism to pragmatism.The Islamist movement in Turkey has undergone significant and intricate developments from the establishment of the Republic until 2002. This article analyzes the evolution of the Islamist movement, focusing on the concepts of "radicalism" and "pragmatism". The main question of this research is: What are the political and international factors influencing the development of the Islamist movement in Turkey, and how have these factors contributed to the transformation of its discourse from radicalism to pragmatism? Using the method of historical analysis and drawing on both written and online sources, this article shows that the Islamist movement in Turkey initially emerged as a radical reaction to secularism and Western modernity, with the goal of offering an alternative to Western modernity. However, domestic political developments and changes in the international arena have led to significant transformations within this movement. Particularly after the 1990s, with the rise of the Justice and Development Party, the Islamist movement shifted towards pragmatism and sought integration with the Turkish political system, blending modernity with Islamic principles. This change of direction, in addition to impacting Turkey's domestic politics, also transformed the country's relationships with global powers. The research findings indicate that the developments within the Islamist movement in Turkey result from a complex interplay of domestic and international factors, which have facilitated the transition from radicalism to pragmatism.https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_4747_b645e524a1512ce68947d3b9c948aa46.pdfShahed UniversityJournal of Political Socology of Islamic World2980-937111220230923Branched Transition and the Resistive-Adaptive Foreign Policy of the Islamic Republic of IranBranched Transition and the Resistive-Adaptive Foreign Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran309334476010.22070/iws.2025.19942.2407FASeyedeh Bint Al-HodaHashemiPh.D in International Relations, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran.FarhadGhasemiProfessor, Department of International Relations, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran0000-0001-9237-4197Journal Article20230510The foreign policy model has consistently been a crucial aspect of policy formulation for countries in general, particularly for Iran. The transformation of the international system into a complex-chaotic framework, along with the alteration in transition patterns within that strategic environment, has modified the systemic pressures and the nature of these pressures on countries. This transformation has facilitated a systemic transition from classical to modern forms. A prominent feature of this transition is the branching process, which determines the pattern of global order based on the evolution of the various branches within that order. This issue has created various systemic pressures on the regional network of countries, particularly affecting Iran. This has become the focus of this research and highlights the question of how the branched transition affects Iran's foreign policy model. Conceptualizing this model as a resistive-adaptive foreign policy provides an answer to this question. Adaptive resistance is reflected in various elements of the order. This research aims to address the question posed through a qualitative method, utilizing a case study with a focus on theory. The research results in an innovative presentation of the adaptive resistance model in the foreign policies of countries, particularly Iran, within the context of the complex and chaotic new world order.The foreign policy model has consistently been a crucial aspect of policy formulation for countries in general, particularly for Iran. The transformation of the international system into a complex-chaotic framework, along with the alteration in transition patterns within that strategic environment, has modified the systemic pressures and the nature of these pressures on countries. This transformation has facilitated a systemic transition from classical to modern forms. A prominent feature of this transition is the branching process, which determines the pattern of global order based on the evolution of the various branches within that order. This issue has created various systemic pressures on the regional network of countries, particularly affecting Iran. This has become the focus of this research and highlights the question of how the branched transition affects Iran's foreign policy model. Conceptualizing this model as a resistive-adaptive foreign policy provides an answer to this question. Adaptive resistance is reflected in various elements of the order. This research aims to address the question posed through a qualitative method, utilizing a case study with a focus on theory. The research results in an innovative presentation of the adaptive resistance model in the foreign policies of countries, particularly Iran, within the context of the complex and chaotic new world order.https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_4760_e7d161ac8d8a76529d39d9f5b4249ccb.pdf