Asurvey on social capital dimensions and attitude towards democratic culture
afsane
edrisi
sociology,azad university
author
mohammad ebrahim
hemmati
department of political sociology,azad univercity,tehran,iran
author
abolfazl
zolfaghari
sociology of political,shahed university
author
text
article
2019
per
Today, in the field of social sciences and political science, many theoretical and field studies is concentrated on the discussion of democratic political culture. In our society due to the existence of an authoritarian political structure and the lack of formation of democratic institutions has led to a lack of democracy. Therefore, this research seeks to examine the role of social capital in the attitude towards democratic culture among citizens of Semnan. Two variables of media literacy and universality also considered as a secondary independent variable. The present study is of descriptive –casual type. The research method is survey. Statistical population includes all the citizens of Semnan in 2018 . Sampling was done with the combination of disproportionate stratified sampling and cluster sampling. The sample size was 383 using Cochran's formula. The data are collected by a questionnaire and interview. Research findings suggest that; the more social capital, media literacy and universality, the attitude towards democratic culture is more accepted and vice versa. Key words: attitude towards democratic culture, social capital, media literacy, universality, citizens of Semnan.
Journal of Political Socology of Islamic World
Shahed University
2980-9371
7
v.
15
no.
2019
1
28
https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_1035_a6295e4338d3a6ec0fae6b6dcb3ddde1.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22070/iws.2019.4065.1734
Iraq as a failed state and its impact on international security
mahdi
zolfaghari
LORESTAN UNI
author
ABOZAR
OMRANI
ALLAMEH UNI
author
text
article
2019
per
The issue of failed states is one of the issues that have been raised by the international security debate in recent decades. These governments have different effects and implications for various areas of international relations. One of the implications is international security. The Iraqi government is one of the failed countries that has been considered in international relations in recent years. In this study, we will focus on the political, economic, security and social components of the Iraqi government's overthrow and then we are looking to examine the impact of this flurry on international security. Accordingly, the main question of the present study is what are the characteristics of the Iraqi government's inability? Another important question can be further elaborated on this: How will Iraq's failed government affect international security? In the hypothesis, corruption, frustration, weaknesses and shortcomings of the Iraqi government in the economic, political, security and social fields can be pointed out, which in turn will lead to threats to international security.
Journal of Political Socology of Islamic World
Shahed University
2980-9371
7
v.
15
no.
2019
29
56
https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_1036_d632a615f8d4dd8bb62e5da392aa5d83.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22070/iws.2019.4308.1774
Hezbollah as a political-social movement
hadi
torki
Researcher
author
Mohammad
Sotoudeh Arani
Faculty Member of Bagher-ol-ulum University
author
text
article
2019
per
Hezbollah is one of the most influential Islamist groups in the West Asian region and the Islamic world, which was specifically influenced by the teachings of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. Due to the specific circumstances of Lebanon, as well as the widespread crisis in the West Asian region, the group has faced numerous challenges, but it has also been significantly and consistently adapted to challenges and opportunities as one It is one of the most influential political forces in the region. On the other hand, domestic and regional imperatives require that Hezbollah engages in its various activities in the political and social arena. For this reason, the main question of the present research is this: What is the main reason why Hezbollah's continuing influence in the domestic and regional arena is due to? The hypothesis of this article is that the transition of Hizbullah from ideological to political-social movement has made its consistency and durable in the domestic and regional arena. The theoretical framework used in this study begins with the critique of the views on the formation of movements in the Islamic world and the view of "the role of ideology and ideology in the formation of Islamic movements" as a theoretical framework. To be According to this viewpoint, the ideology and beliefs of Islamist groups have an important role in shaping and sustaining their life in contemporary times.
Journal of Political Socology of Islamic World
Shahed University
2980-9371
7
v.
15
no.
2019
57
80
https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_1037_a1001b2110e592066c228c94b2cccf5d.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22070/iws.2019.4168.1743
A Study of the Role of People in the Political Thought of Muslim Brotherhood Movement
Seyed Sadrodin
Moosavi Jashni
Asistant Professor of Political science at Imam Khomeini and Islamic Revolution Research Center
author
abbas
alibakhshi
IRDC
author
text
article
2019
per
The present research studies the role of people in the political thought of the Muslim Brotherhood movement. The central base of the Brotherhood's rooted current, with various branches and a century-old history, is in Egypt. So far, the Muslim Brotherhood has seen significant developments in the arena of thought, organization, and activity, having left behind many ups and downs, most recent of which are the events of the January 2011 revolution and subsequent events. In a way, the said event was the most important of these changes in the field of political thought of Muslim Brotherhood. Based on this, using descriptive-analytical method, the main question of this research is: whether the people in the intellectual system of the founders and thinkers of the Muslim Brotherhood have an active or pivotal role or have a marginal and inactive role.These changes are such that they are in conflict with the original viewpoints of its leaders. In this sense, the status of the people has been promoted in the Muslim Brotherhood's political thought, and in important cases such as playing a role in governance, increasing the sense of nationalism, emphasizing the rule of consultation, the need for participation in the elections, the freedom of political activism and political parties, the observance of social and civil rights and freedoms, the right to criticize and protest, and ... have become pivotal in Brotherhood’s thought.
Journal of Political Socology of Islamic World
Shahed University
2980-9371
7
v.
15
no.
2019
81
108
https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_1038_b2d9ca424ec76ace6d641c93ad710932.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22070/iws.2019.4252.1765
political development in turky outlook of futur
ali
khairi
university of mazandaran /political faculity
author
ali
karimi
Mazandaran university-political faculity
author
text
article
2019
per
this paper in the context of theoretical literature of institutionalism and through studying process seejs to analys turkey,s political development and conditions facing it with regard nature of state.since modern era republic of turkey has experience uneven political development process in this country is worthy of attention .main topic of the paper is turkey,s future political development with regard to it,s institutional nature of state.this analytical descriptic research based on documentary and library studies ,seeks to answer this main question that deu to transformation of two past decades,wath type of effect state,s institutional nature has on turkey,sfuture political development from the point of institutional position and based on the assumption that yurkey,s political development in two recent decades has been the direct result of the state,s policies and plans. hypothesis of thr article is this written with regard to historical experiences transformations and characteristics of institution nature of state in turkey , process of political development in coparision with policies taken by state and official norms of kamalisty society prior to 1980,s will come across few challeng.
Journal of Political Socology of Islamic World
Shahed University
2980-9371
7
v.
15
no.
2019
109
138
https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_1039_81d5a815aefefa2e7a535cf340d5d9b5.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22070/iws.2019.4036.1727
The Islamic Republic of Iran's Foreign Policy towards Iraq From the perspective of Balance of Threat Theory (2003-2018)
Ayoub
Menati
Ph.D. in International Relations, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Tehran
author
naser
Hdian
Faculty Member of the Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Tehran
author
text
article
2019
per
Most Western analysts, especially Americans, look at mainly from the perspective of the offensive realism of Iran's foreign policy in Iraq. These authors assess the goals and strategies of Iran's foreign policy by maximizing power in the context of regional hegemony, highly sectarian and Offensive. Contrary to the above, the present paper looks at the Balance of Threat Theory Steven Walt's to Iran's foreign policy in Iraq from 2003 to 2018. What has shaped the main foreign policy strategy of Iran towards Iraq was a response to threats targeting Iran's interests and national security at two external levels - non-Iraqi and Iraqi. These threats on the non-Iraqi front led to the American military presence in Iraq and the prevention of regime change policy towards Iran. At the Iraqi level, the reappearance of a threatening government in Baghdad or a US-affiliated state and the possibility of breakdown of country from Kurdish separatist tendencies and the emergence of ISIS were among the concerns of the authorities in Tehran. The significant question of this paper is what goals the Islamic Republic of Iran have pursued its foreign policy towards the Iraq's vicissitude after the debacle of Saddam Hussein. Based on the paper's hypothesis, the aim pursued by the Islamic Republic of Iran in its foreign policy towards Iraq's vicissitude after Saddam's debacle was to preserve of Iraq's territorial integrity through the support of a friendly and allied government.
Journal of Political Socology of Islamic World
Shahed University
2980-9371
7
v.
15
no.
2019
139
164
https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_1040_edab713333db4c95944bc732957e02b0.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22070/iws.2019.4025.1719
Discourse Analysis of the 2011 Arabian Revolutionary Network Movements
Reza
Haydari
Ph.D Candidate in Political Science Department, South Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University
author
Hasan
Abniki
Assistant Prof. of Political Science department, South Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran
author
Seyyed khodayar
Mortazavi
Assistant Prof. of Political Science Department, South Tehran branch, Islamic Azad University
author
Garineh
Keshyshyan Syraki
Assistant Prof. of Political Science Department, South Tehran branch
author
text
article
2019
per
The article using documentary methods have dealt with the discourse analysis of the 2011 Arabian revolutionary network movements, with a focus on the Tunisian and Egyptian political changes. The main question: based on the method of discourse analysis, what factors articulated network movement in the Arab revolutions? The result of this study indicated the authoritarianism discourse ruling these societies was legitimized due to: dictatorship, corruption, repression and economic backwardness. And in the absence of it, the revolutionary movements were formed. The main points of this discourse were: "freedom, dignity and prosperity". This movements using virtual network, could mobilize all strata and political groups against the dictatorship. Also, the results of the study showed that this discourse, by identifying various social and political forces, could create a coherent chain of all the ideals and tendencies from liberal and Marxist groups to the traditional Islamist movements and even the Christian minority. The key characteristics of this movement was youth and females as a political agency.
Journal of Political Socology of Islamic World
Shahed University
2980-9371
7
v.
15
no.
2019
165
188
https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_1041_4222041013d737cf517e6d2e9c5bdc47.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22070/iws.2019.4200.1748
Necessity and Aequirements of Synergy Urban diplomacy with Public diplomacy in Cultural and Economic Interaction in Foreign policy
afsane
khosravi
azadUniversity
author
hamid
Ahmadi
استاد علوم سیاسی دانشگاه تهران، عضو مدعو گروه روابط بین الملل دانشکده حقوق، الهیات و علوم سیاسی واحد علوم و تحقیقات، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران
author
mahdi
Zakerian
university
author
alireza
moussavizadeh
university
author
text
article
2019
per
Abstract Understanding today's world situation demands that the national interests should not be defined just in terms of formal diplomacy and also some factors such as urban diplomacy, public diplomacy, soft power and historical, cultural and economic identity should be consider as other aspects of promoting national interest and advancing foreign policy. Therefore, based on a descriptive-analytical method, we seek to answer this key question that how urban diplomacy and public diplomacy can play a parallel and complementary role in foreign policy. In response it seems that urban diplomacy in a parallel way could have the complementary and effective role on public diplomacy’s function based on the development and improvement of relations between nations and citizens, connection with key people and establishment of strategic relations in foreign policy with an emphasis on the tourism industry and engagement with sister cities and also NGO’s, cultural interactions and expanding values and norms. So In this parallel move, as cities in an intangible competition can improve their dignity and status from national to regional or international levels, platform for the development of diplomacy (state-nation) would develop on the operational stage. Thus, it will provide tourist attractions, investors, economic prosperity and information transfer. Key words: Public diplomacy, urban diplomacy, foreign policy, national interest
Journal of Political Socology of Islamic World
Shahed University
2980-9371
7
v.
15
no.
2019
189
214
https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_1042_0d7d7e1938411f8b459275cd3d6d7939.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22070/iws.2019.4374.1777
واکاوی گفتمان قدرت در داستان رستم و اسفندیار از منظر فوکو
Tahere
Shirkhoda
Department of literature,facaulty of hhaumanty ,Shed university, Tehran, Iran
author
shahla
khalilollahe
shahed university
author
Ahmad
Forouzanfar
Department of literature ,facaulty of humenty , shahed university , Tehran, Iran.
author
text
article
2019
per
میشل فوکو(1984-1926) بنیان گذار تحلیل گفتمان ، به مجموعه ای از گزاره هایی گفتمان می گوید که به یک صورت بندی گفتمانی تعلق داشته باشد. گفتمان در این معنا یک صورت مثالی و بی زمان نیست ، بلکه از ابتدا تا به انتها تاریخی است ، پاره ای از تاریخ است که محدویت ها ، تقسیم بندی ها ، تحولات و صورت های خاص زمانمند خود را تحمیل می کند از علامات تشکیل شده اند ؛ ولیکن کارکردشان از کاربرد این علامات، برای نشان دادن و برگزیدن اشیاء بیش تر است و همین ویژگی است که آنها را غیر قابل تقلیل به زبان ، سخن و گفتار می کند. در واقع گفتمان، از نظرفوکو مجسم کننده معنا و ارتباط اجتماعی است و شکل دهنده ذهنیت و ارتباطات اجتماعی –سیاسی (قدرت) است. از آن جا که شاهنامه فردوسی دارای ارتباطات سیاسی و اجتماعی است که اکثر آن ها در قالب داستان های تاریخی شکل گرفته، که می توان از معروف ترین و تأثیرگذارترین آن ها، داستان رستم و اسفندیار را نام برد؛ این داستان از چند لایه گفتمانی تشکیل شده ،که بر آنیم تا آن را بر پایه گفتمان قدرت فوکو، بررسی کنیم. این پژوهش با استفاده از منابع کتابخانه ای به روش تحلیل گفتمان سعی دارد ، تا به این پرسش پاسخ دهد که چه نوعی از روابط قدرت در سطوح گوناگون در شکل دادن گفتمان آن ،بر پایه اندیشه های فوکو مؤثر بوده است؟
Journal of Political Socology of Islamic World
Shahed University
2980-9371
7
v.
15
no.
2019
215
230
https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_1043_a3ffb593d7109cfe9ae81abf435fc3b6.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22070/iws.2019.3851.1683
Chenge in Discourse Facing in the Islamic Republic of Iran
g
gitipoorzaki
dhs
author
text
article
2019
per
Identity, and discursive boundaries are only in the distinction and discursive differences that are formed. In fact, different discourses have a two-way relationship. On the one hand, in differentiation with each other is threatening, and on the other hand, they are distinguished only in the differentiation of each other, and hence the identity of each other. Within the framework of our discussion, the Islamic Republic of Iran has been involved in numerous discourses since the beginning of the revolution. The encounter of these discourses with each other, the typology of discursive encounters, and the study of developments in discourse competitions and objections are the purpose of this research. In this way, the Lacla and Mouffe discourse method is used. In typology, Mouffe's theory has also been used for all types of encounters and discursive competitions. Mufa divides the types of exposures into three versions of post-injury, agonistic, and antagonistic. Using the method and the theory, we find that among the discourses within the Islamic republic from the sixties until now, there have been three types of encounters. With the explanation that the post-communist confrontation in the 1960s, the agostristic encounter in the 1970s, and the antagonistic encounter in the 1980s, has prevailed
Journal of Political Socology of Islamic World
Shahed University
2980-9371
7
v.
15
no.
2019
231
254
https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_1044_167b95932c398ffa7211bda76b38e8b5.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22070/iws.2019.4230.1758
Analysis Models of Revolutionary Process
abbas
keshavarz
shahed university
author
malihe
salem
PhD Student
author
text
article
2019
per
این مقاله در پی ارائه مدل های فرآیند بسیج انقلابی است. نظریههای مربوط به فرایند بسیج انقلابی، فرآیند جنبش انقلابی از شروع آن تا سرنگونی نظام و حتی پس از آن و عوامل موثر بر این فرآیند را بررسی می کند. نظریه های فرآیند بسیج انقلابی شامل نظریه های ادواردز، پتی و برینتون در دهه های 1920 و 1930 و همچنین نظریه های هافر(1951)، ابرشال (1973)، گامسون و فایرمن (1977)، و زالد و مک کارتی (1977) می شوند که بر مراحل و عوامل موثر در شروع جنبش انقلابی و فرآیند انقلاب متمرکز هستند. در این مقاله از میان نظریه پردازان تاریخ طبیعی، نظریه کرین برینتون و همچنین نظریه های هافر، ابرشال و زالد و مک کارتی بررسی شده و برای هر یک مدل نظریشان ترسیم شده است.
Journal of Political Socology of Islamic World
Shahed University
2980-9371
7
v.
15
no.
2019
255
280
https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_1045_fafc28c4e348d54cedd5183c4de5c55d.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22070/iws.2019.3804.1678
study of james davis theory of revolution in islamic world
mohammad javad
harati
human science faculty of bu- ali sina university
author
golamreza
yosefi
phd student at buali sina university
author
text
article
2019
per
The structural look at explaining the occurrence of revolutions within the framework revolutionary theory is one of the most important approaches of researchers to the field of revolutionary studies. With the advent of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, these scholars turned their attention to the revision of Iran's revolution. One of the most prominent of these people in this approach is Theda Skocpol, who introduced the theory of Rantier government and Shiite Islam about the Islamic Revolution of Iran. Therefore, the purpose of the article is to" compare the Islamic Revolution of Iran (1979) and the Egyptian revolution (2011)" based on the Skocpol theory model.it seeks to answer the question of whether Skocpol theory can explain the Iranian-Egyptian revolution. The method used in this research is a historical comparison and is also used by the library source. The results showed that the Egyptian revolution in some area is consistent with the Iranian revolution based on Skocpol theory and in some respects there are significant differences, so based on these differences, the Egyptian revolution could not pass the Islamic Revolutionary circuit and become a social revolution.
Journal of Political Socology of Islamic World
Shahed University
2980-9371
7
v.
15
no.
2019
281
302
https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_1046_405bb6fa87b31098a8dfead2732b3db5.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22070/iws.2019.4040.1723