A Study of the Internal Roots of Neo-Orientalism in Central Asia In the context of the neo-patrimonialist model
Ehsan
Falahi
Ph.D student of International Relations, University of Isfahan
author
Mohammad Ali
Basiri
Associate Professor of International Relations, University of Isfahan
author
text
article
2017
per
With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the collapse of Communist totalitarianism, the path was paved for the strengthening of democracy in the newly independent republics. The constitution of free elections meant the end of authoritarian rule in these republics, but between 1991 and 2000, a new pattern of authoritarianism emerged in the region, with a new form of authoritarianism prevailing in all five Central Asian republics at the beginning of the third millennium. Now, more than two decades after the independence of these countries, the process continues. This article examines the question of "what are the intrinsic roots of neo-authoritarianism in Central Asia?"; "Neo-authoritarianism in Central Asia is a multifaceted phenomenon that has political, economic, and social backgrounds"; The aforementioned have been subdivided into several subdivisions and investigated using the theory of neo-patrimonialism. Since Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan have the worst authoritarian situation in Central Asia, there is a further focus on the two countries in this article. The methodology of this research is descriptive-analytical, using library and cyberspace resources.
Journal of Political Socology of Islamic World
Shahed University
2980-9371
5
v.
11
no.
2017
1
26
https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_683_6a08790f28056c1490f062a55b0176bc.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22070/iws.2018.2339.1414
Saudi Arabia's Augmentative Role in Violent Grounds of Islamic Identity: A Case Study of the Central Asian Region
Mehdi
Hedayati Shahidani
Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Guilan
author
Asgar
Safari
Ph.D candidate of International Relations, University of Guilan.
author
text
article
2017
per
Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, "fundamentalism and the rise of violence in Central Asia" has been one of the issues facing countries in the region; it has been studied from a variety of perspectives and various scholars have cited the "political, economic and cultural" reasons for its formation. The purpose of this study is to investigate the role of external factors, including the role of Saudi Arabia in expanding the scope of violence in Central Asia. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, Saudi Arabia has made widespread efforts to infiltrate the Central Asian region, much of it related to the use of identity tools to manage the behavioral patterns of Saudi Arabian interest groups in the post-collapse years. These efforts were largely based on perceptual foundations that must be traced back to the Wahhabi speculative circles; the main question of this study is, "How did Saudi Arabia's behavior patterns lead to the rise of violence in Central Asia?" The findings show that after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Saudi Arabia has distorted the identity of Islamic groups in Central Asia by expanding the Wahhabi idea. The most important feature of the Wahhabi idea is the intolerance against other ethnic groups which has increased the scope of violence in Central Asia.
Journal of Political Socology of Islamic World
Shahed University
2980-9371
5
v.
11
no.
2017
27
50
https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_684_557c3bff831b56a530a5b82b4003ebe2.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22070/iws.2018.2500.1447
Islamism and its Failure in Iraqi Kurdistan
hamid
Ahmadi
Professor of Political Science, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Tehran.
author
najmodin
tamri
Ph.D Student of Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran.
author
text
article
2017
per
Twenty-first century developments in the Middle East have changed the political equations of the Middle East in terms of political, economic, and cultural dimensions, and have addressed various issues in the field of regional research, of which Islamic political currents are the most important issue. The history of Islamic political groups and currents in that country, due to strategic position and political and social upheavals, became a place for competition of Islamic political parties against secular parties with nationalist tendencies in the election process, but despite success and victory of Islamic parties in many Arabic countries in the Middle East, such as Egypt and Tunisia after the Arabic Spring, Kurdish Islamic parties neither succeeded in the social and political developments of Iraqi Kurdistan nor did in the election process. The hypothesis of this study is based on the analytical and documentary method that three main variables, namely, "Overcoming the ideas of ethnic nationalism, overcoming secular party rival currents and the presence of foreign forces (US)", have contributed to the failure of Islamic parties in Iraqi Kurdistan.
Journal of Political Socology of Islamic World
Shahed University
2980-9371
5
v.
11
no.
2017
51
92
https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_686_071b1006b94c26ee473a76a96174fcbf.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22070/iws.2018.2473.1439
Sociological Backgrounds of the Development of Social Justice Discourses in Iran:A Case Study of Post-Islamic State Governments
rahim
kabeh
Ph.D Candidate of Economic Sociology and Development, University of Tabriz
author
fardin
gorayshi
Professor of International Relations, University of Tehran
author
mohamad bagher
alizadeh
Associate Professor of Social Sciences, University of Tabriz.
author
text
article
2017
per
Discourses do not form in a vacuum; their genesis is influenced by particular social contexts. This research raises the question "What are the sociological contexts influencing the development of social justice discourses in post-Islamic state governments both internally and externally?", in order to find the answer. To this aim, each of the related discourses is analyzed as a case study using a historical-developmental method and their similarities and differences are analyzed as well. The result is a new conceptualization, clarification of how the discourses evolved, determining the ratio of internal and external factors affecting the subject, and finally confirming the proposition that the discourse is temporary and restless, relying on historical and empirical evidence and data.
Journal of Political Socology of Islamic World
Shahed University
2980-9371
5
v.
11
no.
2017
93
122
https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_687_421893ea5848661329a343dbdef68684.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22070/iws.2018.2367.1420
Backgrounds, Structures, and Agencies of Establishing the Organization of Islamic Revolutionary Brigades of Iran
Ziba
Abedi
Student of Sociology of Islamic Revolution at Shahed University.
author
abbas
keshavarz shokri
Associate Professor of Political Science, Shahed University.
author
text
article
2017
per
The purpose of the present study is to examine the intellectual, structural and agency backgrounds and contexts of the Organization of Islamic Revolutionary Brigades. The occurrence of revolutions has always been accompanied by the emergence of spontaneous and popular institutions and organizations with particular revolutionary values. One of the important organizations that emerges after the victory of the revolutions is the militia and paramilitary organizations composed of revolutionaries and the masses. The Islamic Revolution Brigades were among the first organizations to be formed to deal with military and security issues and to provide security, comfort and prosperity to the people after the victory of the Islamic Revolution. Given the position of defense and security organizations in the continuation and growth of the revolution, as well as their role in maintaining the revolution and maintaining its achievements, it seems necessary to study them. The research method is qualitative and historical research. The tool for collecting data is note taking and interview. According to the research findings, the intellectual and ideological grounds for the formation of the Revolutionary Brigade organization are the ideology of the Islamic Revolution. Political, social, and cultural structures were explored in the context of structural issues. Among the political structures, the leadership and the Revolutionary Council played an important role in the formation of the revolutionary brigades, but the provisional government opposed the brigades' continued work. Among the social and cultural structures, the seminaries, universities, mosques and hosseiniyas played an important role in the formation and continuation of the Brigades' tasks. Investigating the administrative areas, it was concluded that political elites, including the leaders of the revolution and members of the Revolutionary Council and the clergy and the masses, played a key role in the formation and organization of the birgades
Journal of Political Socology of Islamic World
Shahed University
2980-9371
5
v.
11
no.
2017
123
148
https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_688_d7fe63f63831a9453c34f29a5d1231eb.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22070/iws.2018.2821.1494
ISIL's Emergence and its Impact on Regional Equations: A Case Study of Challenges and Opportunities for Iran
reza
rezaei
Postgraduate researcher at Imam Khomeini and Islamic Revolution
author
Syed Sadruddin
moosavi S.S
Assistant Professor of Political Thought in Islam, Imam Khomeini Research Institute and Islamic Revolution.
author
text
article
2017
per
The emergence of ISIS in the Middle East and neighboring Iranian territories and the support of some regional countries and trans-regional powers have created profound challenges and changes in regional equations. Although Iran, as a major regional actor, faced a number of major challenges as a result of the emergence of ISIS, new opportunities were also provided to the Islamic Republic. As a representative of nonviolent Islam, Iran has faced challenges in various discursive, security, and political areas with the emergence of this terrorist group. The present study is an attempt to find the answer to the question, "What challenges and opportunities has the emergence of ISIL created for the Islamic Republic of Iran?". Necessary data were collected by library method and analyzed as a case study in a descriptive-analytic manner.The findings of the study show that ISIL's threats are prominent in changing the regional equations for Iran in the areas of discourse, security and ideology. At the same time, the possibilities for the emergence of ISIS for Iran include the distinction between violent Islam and non-violent Islam, revealing Iran's anti-terrorist nature to the world, highlighting Iran's power and influence in the region.
Journal of Political Socology of Islamic World
Shahed University
2980-9371
5
v.
11
no.
2017
149
174
https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_689_8f53953a7d2978e91be97a56798fac19.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22070/iws.2018.2524.1453
Neo-Ottomanism and Neo-Salafism: A case comparison of Fathullah Gülen and Yusuf al-Qaradawi
usef
torabi
Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Amin Police Science University.
author
mahdi
Pirozfar
Ph.D student of political science at Imam Sadegh University
author
text
article
2017
per
Neo-Ottomanism and neo-Salafism and its various interpretations are one of the most important issues of today's scholars of the Islamic world. Among the scholars who have views in this area, Fethullah Gülen, the originator of social Islam, and Yusuf al-Qaradawi, a prominent Sunni Muslim thinker, are pointed out who have had social and political reflections among the intellectual and political currents of the Sunni brothers. The approach taken in this research is comparative using a descriptive-analytical method. The comparison of these two thinkers reflects their similarities and perceptual distinctions about Islam and consequently, the comparison of Gülen's neo-Ottomanist thinking with the Brotherhood's neo-Salafi plans (ideas) showed that their views on religion and the state are completely contradictory. Gülen considers Islam to be a heart affair and separate from politics, while Qaradawi calls the separation of religion and politics alien to Islam. So although Gülen promotes secularism, Qaradawi believes that secularism has never been accepted in Islam. In terms of similarities, Gulen and Qaradawi's views on democracy are closely related, and both accept democracy; in this respect Gulen and Qaradawi (both) view women as elements of civil society, but Unlike Gulen, Qaradawi considers that observation of all Islamic regulations is a prerequisite for the presence of women in society. Gülen recommends a neo-Ottomanism that is mixed with ethnic and racial values and opposes the principles of the Islamic United Ummah in the Qur'an and the Prophet Muhammad's Sire, whereas Qaradawi does not consider any gentilty or originality for ethnicity and race and he believes in the originality of the Islamic Ummah, which is closer to Islamic principles.
Journal of Political Socology of Islamic World
Shahed University
2980-9371
5
v.
11
no.
2017
175
196
https://iws.shahed.ac.ir/article_690_65b9f53bec75d60f153df69ec777d185.pdf
dx.doi.org/10.22070/iws.2018.2654.1476